The Lord Caradon Lectures Trust
The Lord Caradon Lectures Trust was established to commemorate the life and work of Hugh Mackintosh Foot, Lord Caradon (1907-1990). Lord Caradon had himself been involved in the original planning of an annual lecture on international affairs to be given in Plymouth by an eminent speaker. As it happened the inaugural, and by now commemorative lecture, was given in 1991, the year following Lord Caradon’s death. By the terms of the Trust all lectures are open to the public and admission is free.
Previous Lord Caradon Lectures
2024 Africa Today; Perceptions and opportunities
Zeinab Badawi
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The Lord Caradon Lecture was given by Zeinab Badawi, television and radio journalist.
2023 Is the United Nations now irrelevant?
Professor Karen Smith
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The Lord Caradon Lecture 2023 was given by Professor Karen Smith. Her main area of research is the “international relations of the European Union” and she has written extensively on the formulation and implementation of common EU foreign policies.
She has examined the EU’s pursuit of “ethical” foreign policy goals such as promoting human rights and democracy, and policy-making within European states regarding genocide. For over a decade she has also analysed EU-UN relations, and more recently has extended her research to consider the role of other political and regional groups in UN diplomacy. She is now working on projects on women in foreign policy-making and diplomacy, and on the role that emotions play in EU foreign policy-making.
2022 Security Challenges in the Next Decade: How should we respond?
Mark Sedwill, Baron Sedwill of Sherborne
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The Lord Caradon Lecture in 2022 was given by Mark Sedwill, Baron Sedwill of Sherborne, who was Cabinet Secretary & Head of the Civil Service (2018-20), National Security Adviser (2017-20), Permanent Secretary at the Home Office (2013-17), and British Ambassador and NATO Representative in Afghanistan (2009-11). Before that, he had a diplomatic and security career serving in Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Cyprus and Pakistan.
Mark Sedwill, Baron Sedwill of Sherborne KCMG FRGS, is Chairman of the Atlantic Futures Forum and a cross-bench member of the House of Lords. He recently chaired a G7 Panel on Global Economic Resilience. He is a member of Rothschild & Co’s Supervisory Board and Senior Independent Director of Lloyd’s of London.
Educated at St Andrews and Oxford Universities, Lord Sedwill is a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and of the Institute of Directors, an Honorary Fellow of Oxford University and of St Edmund Hall, Oxford, and a Distinguished Fellow of RUSI. He is President of the Special Forces Club, a member of the IISS Advisory Council, the RNLI Council and the HALO Trust board, an Honorary Colonel in the Royal Marines and an Honorary Bencher of Middle Temple. He is also the recipient of several awards and honours for national and international public service.
2021 The Powers of Xi Jinping
Professor Kerry Brown
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The Lord Caradon Lecture in 2021 was given by Professor Kerry Brown
2020 A conversation with Kim Darroch
Lord Darroch
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As you may recall he served as British Ambassador to the United States between January 2016 and December 2019. He resigned his post on 10 July 2019 following the leak of diplomatic cables in which he had been critical of the Trump administration. He has since written a book – Collateral Damage: Britain, America, and Europe in the Age of Trump.
As before we intended to run the lecture in the form of “A Conversation with Kim Darroch” with Martyn Oates, BBC South West’s Political Editor and a Caradon Trustee, hosting the event. Having missed our opportunity to hold the lecture during the final blows of the 2020 US election, we asked Lord Darroch to begin with his reflections on subsequent events and Biden’s first 6 months in office.
2019 The Roller Coaster Ride of Modern Day Anglo-Russian Relations
Bridget Kendall MBE
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A long-standing and distinguished BBC Correspondent, Bridget Kendall MBE was appointed the first female Master of Peterhouse, the University of Cambridge’s oldest College, in 2016.
Educated at Oxford, Harvard and two Russian universities, she joined the BBC World Service as a trainee in 1983 and became the BBC’s Moscow correspondent between 1989 and 1994, covering the collapse of the Soviet Union as well as Boris Yeltsin’s rise to power. She was then appointed Washington Correspondent before moving to the senior role of BBC Diplomatic Correspondent, reporting on major conflicts such as those in Kosovo, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Georgia and Ukraine.
Since she became Master of a Cambridge College she has stepped back from her role as a staff BBC correspondent, but she remains a regular broadcaster and commentator on Russia and is the main host of BBC radio’s weekly flagship discussion programme, The Forum.
She is a recognised authority on Russia and East-West relations and has given many lectures on the subject. Her interviews with global leaders include Margaret Thatcher, Hillary Clinton, Mikhail Gorbachev, Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin.
Her book, The Cold War; a New Oral History explores the decades-long conflict between East and West through the eyes of those who, like her, experienced it first-hand, from pilots making food drops during the Berlin Blockade and families fleeing the Korean War, to young Soviet soldiers sent to fight in Afghanistan.
Her awards include the James Cameron Award for Distinguished Journalism, as well as an MBE. She is an Honorary Fellow of two Oxford Colleges, Lady Margaret Hall and St Antony’s College, and has Honorary degrees from St Andrew’s University in Scotland, the University of York, the University of Exeter and the University of Birmingham in Central England.
2018 From Cold War to Brexit: Reflections on the Changing Face of Diplomacy
Dame Judith Macgregor DCMG LVO DL
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Dame Judith Macgregor was the British High Commissioner to South Africa from September 2013 until March 2017, when she retired from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office after a career of some 40 years.
After graduating from Oxford (Lady Margaret Hall) with a first-class degree in Modern History, Dame Judith entered the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in 1976 serving first in the former Yugoslavia, and later as First Secretary in Prague and Paris.
After accompanying her husband as Director for Trade in Germany and Ambassador to Poland, she resumed her career as FCO Director for Security Policy in 2000, and then as Ambassador to Slovakia (2004-6). She was FCO Director for Migration in 2007 and went as Ambassador to Mexico in 2009. In 2013, she became the British High Commissioner to South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland. She was awarded the DCMG for her services to Diplomacy in 2016.
Dame Judith was President of the FCO Women’s Association from 2006 to 2016 overseeing a significant increase of women in the senior grades. In Mexico and South Africa, she led government efforts to increase bilateral trade and investment. Dame Judith also spearheaded work to increase bilateral Research and Development Programmes and extend post-graduate scholarships, and professional and educational exchanges for young people.
Since 2017, Dame Judith has become an Independent Non-Executive Board Member of the UK/Mexican mining company, Fresnillo plc and a Lay Member of the Council of Southampton University. Dame Judith was elected Honorary Bencher of the Middle Temple and Honorary Fellow and member of the Advisory Council of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford in July 2017 and she became a Deputy Lieutenant for Hampshire in December 2017. In March 2018 she was appointed to the new Arts and Humanities Research Council under UK Research and Innovation.
Dame Judith has four children and her husband John is a Visiting Professor at Christchurch Canterbury University and Chair of Orbis Africa, a not-for-profit organisation working globally to prevent eye disease.
2017 Safety and Security After Brexit – Who Needs Whom?
Lord Carlile of Berriew C.B.E., Q.C.
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Alex Carlile was born in Wales in 1948. After education at Epsom College, he graduated LLB AKC at King’s College London. Lord Carlile was called to the Bar by Gray’s Inn (where he is now a Bencher) in 1970 and became a Q.C. in 1984, at the age of 36. Until 2009 he was the Honorary Recorder of the City of Hereford. He sits as a Recorder of the Crown Court, as a Deputy High Court Judge, and as a Chairman of the Competition Appeal Tribunal. Between 2001-2011, he was the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation; the Independent Reviewer of the Government’s new PREVENT policy and remains the independent reviewer of National Security policy in Northern Ireland.
From 1983-1997 he was the Liberal (then Liberal Democrat) MP for Montgomeryshire in Mid Wales. During that time he served as spokesperson on a range of issues, including Home Affairs and the Law. He was Leader of the Welsh Liberal Democrats from 1992-7.
He was appointed a Life Peer in 1999 and was awarded the CBE in 2012 for services to national security. Lord Carlile is involved in numerous charities, including the Royal Medical Foundation of Epsom College, and The White Ensign Association. He has a particular interest in mental health issues and was a co-founder of the Welsh charity Rekindle.
He is the Chairman of the Lloyd’s of London Enforcement Board and is a non-executive director of a listed major agricultural merchanting company, Wynnstay Group plc. He is chairman of the not-for-profit company Design for Homes and is a founder director of SC Strategy Ltd, a strategy and public policy consultancy.
Lord Carlile is the President of The Security Institute, a Fellow of King’s College London, and a Fellow of the Industry and Parliament Trust. He holds Honorary Doctorates of Laws in universities in Manchester, Wales and Hungary.
It is a special privilege to be asked to deliver this lecture.
It is given in honour of Hugh Foot, Lord Caradon GCMG KCVO OBE, and it is right that we reflect briefly on his remarkable life.
His name was part of my childhood in the 1950s. My medical practitioner father was a newshound. My headmaster [Mr Pond] insisted on all children over the age of eight producing at least 10 current affairs stories each week. These were scrutinised and criticised in the last lesson each Friday afternoon. At the time, Lord Foot, Sir Hugh Foot as then he was, was the Governor of Cyprus. It was a tense period. The name of Archbishop Makarios was as familiar to the public then as that of President Assad today, and as notorious. The United Kingdom was in the teeth of the Cyprus storm, which had erupted into very serious violence. It is a sign of the difficulty of being Governor of Cyprus then that, although there is greater everyday peace on the island today, the fundamental political issues remain to be resolved.
Furthermore, he came from an extraordinary political family. His brothers were all presidents of the Oxford Union, and he was president of the Cambridge Union. His most famous brother, Michael Foot, was leader of the Labour Party; and also one of the finest speakers I have ever heard. I enjoyed overlapping with him for 9 years in the House of Commons, as a fellow Welsh MP.
The title of this lecture is Safety and Security after Brexit: Who Needs Whom? That is not in my view a difficult question. That so far it remains unanswered or at least unresolved in the context of the Brexit negotiations is surprising, given the importance of the issue and the clear evidence.
I suggest and submit that there are three subjects which should never have been even a matter for discussion in the Brexit negotiations.
The first is the maintenance of the current peaceful situation in Northern Ireland and the island of Ireland. The idea that that issue remains yet unresolved and undeclared seems to me to be an abrogation of responsibility by the European Union. This is not the fault of the UK Government which, consistent with almost every voice in Parliament who has spoken out on the matter, has repeatedly made it clear that this is a non-negotiable.
The second is the complexities of the UK leaving the EURATOM Treaty. I shall say more about that later.
The third subject is that to which I am addressing this lecture.
I shall make my own views clear at the outset with a rhetorical question.
Can any sane person really believe that the continuation of national security cooperation, in relation to counterterrorism, between the UK and the 27 remaining members of the European Union, should be the subject of anything other than improvement, let alone continuation?
To support my conclusion, I turn unhesitatingly to an ad maiorem argument. I cite as an authoritative witness, Sir Mark Lyall Grant. He is the former and immediate past National Security Adviser. On the 15 October 2017, in an article in The Guardian, he expressed similar and extremely well-informed views, consistent with my own conclusion.
He reminded us that the UK Government’s 2015 strategic defence and security review identified four major threats and challenges to UK National Security: terrorism and extremism; state-based threats; cyber threats and the erosion of the rules-based international order.
I share his opinion that the immediacy and priority of the terrorism and extremism threat has increased.
Between 2011 and 2016 one UK National was killed in a terrorist offence within the UK. However, the stakes are rising, as so-called Islamic State suffers attrition in Syria and elsewhere. During 2017 to date, we have seen five major terrorist attacks in London and Manchester, four of them involving fatalities.
Most involved a ‘soft’ target – ordinary people having a good time at a concert in Manchester; young people on an evening out in the vibrant Borough Market area of London. During my 9 plus years as Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation, I warned repeatedly of the danger to unpredicted, soft targets. This kind of attack causes the most fear to the public, and actually goes more to the heart of our freedom than even an attack on Parliament – which like other iconic sites is protected more strongly than any ‘soft’ target.
In terms of national security, it is probably true to say that the most important relationships for our continuing national security are the Five Eyes, and also NATO. There are also some important bilateral arrangements, such as the Lancaster House Treaty with France.
However, there are significant other relationships, with and/or within the European Union, in which the UK is heavily involved. There are countries other than France with very capable and efficient levels of counter-terrorism scrutiny. Germany is an obvious example. Nor should one underestimate the performance of countries such as the Netherlands, and Denmark.
It would be reasonable to conclude from events that Belgium has suffered from underreporting and needs as much shared information as is possible: I believe that this has been addressed, and the cohesive work against terrorism from the Eastern borders of the EU to Ireland on the West has become as effective and important as resources permit.
This has to be considered alongside Europol, dealing as it does with cyber security and organised crime; and with the Schengen and Prum databases, which store forensics materials including DNA. To remind you, the Prum Convention, sometimes known as the Schengen III Agreement, is a Convention between the Kingdom of Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Kingdom of Spain, the French Republic, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Republic of Austria on the stepping up of cross-border cooperation, particularly in combating terrorism, cross-border crime and illegal migration.
Such agreements and systems, whether bilateral, multilateral or owned and run by the EU, are crucial to shared international security intelligence and evidence. They receive a significant contribution of British capability and wisdom, and vice-versa.
I could take you through a litany of organisations and, more importantly, through a catalogue of cases tried and plots interdicted in various countries.
Taking this evidence as broadly correct, it would be beyond logical imagination for anyone to regard these arrangements as dispensable, as a potential victim of the negotiations for the UK to leave the EU.
This is possibly the paramount starting point of the negotiations, and should be especially so to the European Union itself. To be fair to the UK government – and I speak as a Remainer – we have made it clear that we regard these instruments of cooperation as an indispensable part of the difficult, asymmetrical challenge presented by both violent Islamism and the growing threat of right-wing extremism.
There are other operations which stand as analogous examples of material cooperation in related areas, and have made a signal contribution to peace. For example, one could cite the work in promoting stability in Bosnia; and the newly developed relationship between NATO and Montenegro.
The UK Government has suggested a special security treaty, which would reflect arrangements for these aspects. The purpose of such a treaty would be for the current successful arrangements to continue after Brexit. The UK’s proposal, however, whilst reflecting existing arrangements, at present insists on the removal of any role for the European Court of Justice [ECJ].
The most obvious, correct and necessarily repeated platitude in this context is that, if the UK leaves the EU, the UK will no longer be subject to the ECJ unless special treaty arrangements are made to preserve the formal, legal relationship. Such a treaty seems unlikely if the negotiations continue at their present timbre and slow pace.
However, the related shibboleth of removal of ECJ influence seems to me, as a lawyer, to be both entirely unrealistic and undesirable.
Even if ECJ decisions have no compulsory applicability in English law, where they impact upon issues that have to be decided in the English courts, those courts from the highest to lowest will take account of such decisions as being persuasive, even if not binding. This is exactly what UK court do with decisions from the Commonwealth’s senior courts, for example, the High Court of Australia, where there is useful wisdom to be derived from their decisions. Fairly often I have cited Commonwealth and Irish decisions as persuasive in English courts.
Why should it be different for the ECJ? If I can give an example from my experience as a former Chair of the Competition Appeal Tribunal, given that UK competition law is heavily drawn from EU treaty and ECJ cases, naturally, the courts will derive guidance to interpretation from pre- and post-Brexit decisions.
In many areas, and especially in relation to national security, our current EU partners have as great an interest in continuing to benefit from cooperation with the UK, as the UK in cooperating with them. That said, the current reverberations from the negotiations for Brexit do not fill one with confidence.
It was the British people who decided that Brexit should happen. Their task was not over with the referendum. Led by their Parliamentary representatives, there are key questions which British people should ask. One is: Will we be safer, less safe, or in a broadly unchanged level of safety after Brexit?
One has to put this into a realistic context given those serious events in Manchester, Westminster, Borough Market and on the London District Line. They are plainly concerning, and tragic, crimes of the highest seriousness.
However, you should know that, realistically, they fall far short of the ‘nightmare scenario’ that police have been rehearsing for years. This is something known as Marauding Terrorist Firearms Attack (MTFA) in which machine guns are used to kill pedestrians in a crowded public place.
It does not take me to tell you in a lecture that MTFA is an objective for so-called Islamic state. Its likelihood is increased by the risk of determined men and women crossing the Channel, perhaps on one single occasion, perhaps through multiple entries, with lethal weaponry in their vehicles. This is not fanciful. There is a proliferation of violent jihadists across Europe, present in almost every country. Access to some parts of Europe is easier than to other parts. There is a huge coastline on which boats are various sizes can land with small, lethal cargoes. The history of the importation of drugs by sea demonstrates that risky, criminal, desperate actions of that kind are undertaken, and can succeed. Indeed, Irish terrorists brought weapons into Northern Ireland by sea during The Troubles. The Canary Wharf bomb arrived on a regular car ferry.
Worryingly, it is known that there is also a proliferation of automatic weapons available on the criminal black market in continental Europe. The most diligent intelligence, and thorough intelligence cooperation uninhibited by diplomatic obstacles, including access to encrypted internet sites and monitoring of the dark web where available, is essential to counter MTFA and comparable threats.
A recent study by the Rand Corporation concluded:
”Both sides [the UK and EU] risk becoming weaker and less secure if the Brexit talks provoke a zero-sum approach to security and a messy divorce.”
The Director-General of Europol, Rob Wainwright, has said:
“To help keep Britain safe from these threats, its law enforcement community has become dependent on the unique operational benefits offered by key EU instruments: over 3000 cross-border investigations of organised crime and terrorism were initiated in 2016 at Europol by UK agencies, a rate 25% up on the year before”.
Another informed commentator, Richard Walton, who was Commander of the Metropolitan Police SO 15 Counterterrorism Command from 2011-16, has said: “the UK could leave both the EU and Europe [with] little, if any, impact on its own national security or counterterrorism capabilities.”
Whilst I do not agree with his apparent implicit belief that non-UK agencies can supply no added value to our own counter-terrorism efforts and success, correctly he emphasises the high quality of our achievements in this area. However, it is vital not to overlook that even a small piece in this 3D, fast-moving jigsaw may save lives in the UK and of UK citizens abroad.
His main point was that Britain’s undoubted and extensive expertise in this area is much too valuable for EU countries to ignore, and that they must keep lines open and two-way information flowing.
Six months after the referendum, the current Home Secretary Amber Rudd stated that the threats and challenges to UK national security have not fundamentally changed as a result of the decision to leave.
She is right that the challenges have not changed. However, if she means by that that it is optional for the UK’s effectiveness to remain in the European security arrangements, I would disagree with her.
There can be no real doubt that it is imperative for there to be continuing, largely unchanged, sustainable solutions in the area of national security. This cannot be done without genuine unstinting cooperation internationally, especially within Europe.
Compromise and continued, and post-Brexit continuing, engagement between the UK and EU on defence and security are a vital component of negotiations to leave the EU.
There is a danger of short-cuts and superficiality, much of which may be lost on a Parliament (especially House of Commons) largely devoid of scientists and technicians, and therefore deprived of a full or instinctive understanding of the techniques deployed in national security and many other important areas.
For example, the legislation currently before Parliament to deal with the UK’s departure from the 60 years old Euratom Treaty has focused on nuclear power and weapons issues, but has yet to address a broad range of important issues such as the manufacture and exchange of medical isotopes essential for research into the treatment of cancers, and matters such as the exchange of materials and information. If those issues are not addressed, the UK runs the risk of relying on France and Germany for essential scientific knowledge and research material. The repeals legislation in this context is worryingly short on detail. We cannot afford similar shortage of detail in the matters forming the main subject matter of this lecture.
I turn now briefly to the political space, and how politics influences the desirable merits-based approach to national security issues and the sharing of information.
I know that in this University there has been considerable study of security concerns. In an article dated the 1 February 2017 Dr Harry Bennett described the relationship between politicians and the military, and the military and the Ministry of Defence, as being not fit for purpose. He urged a greater degree of separation between the military and politicians, with the former having sufficient authority to stand up to undue political pressure from the latter.
I agree with him that those are aspects of our national life which require revision and reform, though there are few countries in which there is a perfect balance between the military, parliament, the government and the judiciary. Indeed, I believe that there is no developed country where that balance is maintained in a perfect way, except possibly a heavily managed country like China where Authority is vested in very few and which many of us would not wish to replicate in structural terms.
However, Dr Bennett’s gentle, academic despondency (if he is here, I hope he will forgive me for that description) in my view does not apply to national security issues. In 2016 Parliament passed the Investigatory Powers Act. That statute gives considerable power to the authorities, for example for the collection of bulk data. It is very carefully controlled under the scheme of the Act. An extremely senior serving judge has been appointed to head the relevant and purpose-designed Commission of scrutiny. It is my belief, based in part on my 9 ½ years as an Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation, that the balance we have achieved is about right.
In saying this, it is worth reflecting on the extent to which our privacy is breached by the State.
Casual assumptions abound, for example, that the security service and GCHQ are staffed by bored officers who have nothing better to do than look at the Internet traffic of their friends and neighbours, or possibly more interestingly Members of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, vice chancellors of universities earning their huge salaries, footballers and the like. These casual assumptions are as far from reality as is possible. The work of the agencies concerned is very strictly controlled by managerial protocols, with instant dismissal for gross must misconduct.
The use of bulk data requires some explanation, not least because it calls for cooperation across national borders, perhaps especially within Europe.
Bulk data can be required in many different kinds of situations. For example, if there is a genuine suspicion that mobile phones on a particular network are being used in particular city to plan a terrorist attack, in order to identify which phones are in such use it may be necessary to look at a much greater group, and thereby exclude the innocent and target the guilty. I believe that there are real examples of good work being done under those provisions, of which that is a simple example.
Although it is not strictly germane to the published subject of my lecture, I would also like to say a few words about extremism, as it is an extremely topical subject.
The government has announced that there will be an Extremism Commission. They have advertised for what is described as the Lead Commissioner, and shortlisted candidates will soon be interviewed. One can reasonably suppose that this will be a quality shortlist, and that the person appointed to lead the Commission will be well-informed and supported on the issues central to its tasks.
The role of the Commission will be very sensitive. If it does not take the steps expected by many, robustly to discourage and tackle violent extremism, whether Islamism or from the right-wing, it will be criticised as being soft on extremism, and not delivering on the government’s promises to clampdown on extremist action and speech. On the other hand, if the Commission seeks to stifle reasonable academic research, or debate in schools and universities in which the critical faculty of the students and staff is engaged to deal with the challenges of extremism, the Commission will be accused of Islamophobia.
Efforts in other EU countries effectively to challenge extremism have met with mixed success, and I have no doubt that some of the new political leaders in Europe, for example, President Macron, will be watching the Extremism Commission with great interest. The Commission’s work has to be considered alongside the completely separate Prevent strand of counterterrorism policy – which is much admired by other countries. The distinction is important. The Extremism Commission is part of a counter-extremism strategy, whereas Prevent is an integral and important part of counter-terrorism policy. Although subtle, that distinction remains very important.
I regret that the accusation of Islamophobia is very easily made, and has become part of the narrative of opposition to both Prevent and the creation of the Extremism Commission. Of course, we must guard against Islamophobia, and I share as high a determination as anyone to do so. That said, the accusation is all too often a cacophonous refrain by those who are determined to use bogus arguments, founded on their view of the meaning of freedom of speech, to liberate the activities of some who are opposed to the very essence of our democratic way of life and the broadly secular nature of our country.
One of the disadvantages of Brexit that I fear is that the secularism of countries such as France and the Netherlands may be a greater beneficial influence than we recognise upon our own approach to these issues; and that Brexit may actually increase the danger of religious extremes becoming more influential in the UK than is desirable.
In saying that I have in mind the dangers of religiosity (as opposed to religion), wherever it comes from, effectively fuelling demands for greater freedom to be given to the expression of extremist opinions, in the name of freedom of religion. I do want to warn this audience, and anyone else interested, that a great many thoughtful, sensible, middle-of-the-road, loyal and democratic people in the United Kingdom Real regard religious faith as an important private matter of choice, but excessive religious fervour as potentially menacing.
Our connections with other countries in the EU on security matters, including their diversity in religious and secular terms, bring important strength and rationality to sound judgement.
I hope that this attentive audience has gained something from the comments I have made, even if it is only to be provoked. I look forward now to your questions.
Alex Carlile
Lord Carlile of Berriew CBE QC
2016 The Intelligence on WMD in the lead up to the Iraq War
Frederick Edward Robin Butler, Baron Butler of Brockwell, KG, GCB, CVO, PC
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Frederick Edward Robin Butler, Baron Butler of Brockwell, KG, GCB, CVO, PC (born 3 January 1938) is a retired British civil servant, now sitting in the House of Lords as a life peer.
He had a high-profile career in the civil service from 1961 to 1998, culminating as Secretary of the Cabinet and Head of the Home Civil Service from 1988 to 1998.
Butler was educated at Harrow School in London and University College, Oxford, where he took a double first in Mods and Greats and twice gained a Rugby Blue. He joined HM Treasury in 1961, becoming Private Secretary to the Financial Secretary to the Treasury 1964–65 and Secretary to the Budget Committee 1965–69.
In 1969, he was seconded to the Bank of England and several City institutions. Later at HM Treasury as Assistant Secretary, General Expenditure Intelligence Division, he led the team which installed the UK Government’s computerised financial information system 1975–77. He had been a founder member of the Central Policy Review Staff under Lord Rothschild 1971–2. After several senior appointments at the Treasury, he became the Second Permanent Secretary, Public Expenditure, 1985–7.
He was Private Secretary to Prime Ministers Edward Heath (1972–74) and Harold Wilson (1974–75), and Principal Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher (1982–85). He was also Cabinet Secretary during the premierships of Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Tony Blair.
Butler married Gillian Lois Galley in 1962, known as Jill, and they remain happily married to this day. They have a son and two daughters.
He became the Master of University College, Oxford in 1998, and was made a life peer as Baron Butler of Brockwell, of Herne Hill in the London Borough of Lambeth in the 1998 New Year Honours List. He was appointed a Knight of the Garter in 2003.
He became a non-executive Director of HSBC Group and ICI plc from 1998 to 2008. He was also Chairman of the HSBC Corporate Sustainability Committee and the HSBC Global Education Trust.
In February 2004 it was announced that Lord Butler of Brockwell would chair an inquiry into the use of intelligence in the lead-up to the 2003 Iraq War. His report (widely known as the “Butler Report”) concluded that some of the intelligence about Iraq’s possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction was seriously flawed.
Lord Butler is a member of the Court of the Worshipful Company of Salters and was Master from 2011-2012.
2015 Human Rights in an Unstable World
The Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws QC
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Helena Kennedy QC is one of the United Kingdom’s most distinguished lawyers. She has practised at the Bar for 40 years in the field of criminal law and has conducted many of the leading cases in those years, including the Balcombe Street Siege, the Brighton bombing trial, the Guildford Four Appeal, the Michael Bettany Espionage case, the Jihadist fertiliser bomb plot, and the transatlantic bomb plot.
Helena has championed law reform for women, especially relating to sexual and domestic violence and developed the defence of Battered Women’s syndrome in the British courts. She was also the leading voice for equal opportunities in the legal profession for women. She authored a number of books on law reform, co-wrote the successful television series Blind Justice and became a well-known broadcaster on law and ethics during the eighties, presenting the BBC’s Heart of the Matter.
A member of the House of Lords for 16 years, Helena sat on the Joint Committee of Human Rights, and is now chair of the European Union Sub Committee. She has chaired the British Council and the UK Human Genetics Commission, is chair of Justice and co-chair of the International Bar Association’s Institute of Human Rights.
Helena is the Principal of Mansfield College, Oxford and has received 39 honorary doctorates. She is an Honorary Fellow of the British Academy and the Royal Society of Edinburgh and has also been honoured by the Governments of France and Italy.
2014 Britain’s Place in the World
The Baron Hennessy of Nympsfield
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Baron Hennessy was a journalist for over 20 years, with spells at The Times, The Financial Times and The Economist. During this time he unearthed the hidden wiring of the constitution and the power of the machinery of government in Britain.
Those themes remained at the heart of his research when he moved from journalism to academia in 1992. He is Attlee Professor of Contemporary British History at Queen Mary University London.
His stated aim is to “write the history of my own country, in my own times, for academic and public audiences alike”.
His research interests vary widely across all aspects of contemporary British History, focussing on:
- Prime ministerial and Cabinet government.
- Whitehall and the hidden wiring of the British Constitution.
- The Secret State and Cold War Britain.
- The Bomb.
- Nuclear submarines.
His publications include;
- Distilling the Frenzy: Writing the History of One’s Own Times (2012).
- Cabinets and the Bomb (2007).
- Having It So Good: Britain in the Fifties (2006).
- The Secret State: Whitehall and the Cold War (2002).
- The Prime Minister: The Office and its Holders since 1945 (2000).
2013 Developing Governance: Better Leaders or Better Institutions?
Sir Robert Fulton KBE
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Sir Robert Fulton was born in 1948. He was educated at Eton College and the University of East Anglia. He is a Graduate of the UK Royal College of Defence Studies and the UK Higher Command and Staff Course.
He joined the Royal Marines in 1972 and, in a military career of 34 years, served all around the world. In 1998 he became Commandant General Royal Marines. He left the Armed Forces in 2006 as the Deputy Chief of the Defence Staff for Equipment Capability in the rank of Lieutenant General. In 2006 he was appointed to be the 63rd Governor of Gibraltar and returned to the UK in 2009. He was knighted by Her Majesty the Queen in 2005 and in 2009 he was appointed as a Knight of the Order of St John.
He took up the appointment of CEO of the Global Leadership Foundation on 1 July 2010.
2012 Afghanistan: Exiting with Honour
Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles KCMG LVO
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Sherard Cowper-Coles KCMG LVO has been the Business Development Director, International at BAE Systems plc since February 2011. He is responsible for supporting and promoting the Company’s business in the Middle East, especially Saudi Arabia, as well as South Asia and elsewhere.
Sherard served as the Foreign Secretary’s Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan from February 2009 until September 2010. He took early retirement from the Diplomatic Service in October 2010. He has written a book about Afghanistan – ‘Cables from Kabul’, and is working on another of diplomatic anecdotes.
Sherard was British Ambassador to Afghanistan from May 2007 until February 2009. He returned to Kabul as Chargé d’Affaires in the spring of 2010. He was British Ambassador to Saudi Arabia from 2003 to 2007. Before that, he served as British Ambassador to Israel from 2001 to 2003, for which he learnt to speak and read basic Hebrew.
Sherard’s earlier overseas postings included political jobs in the British Embassies in Washington and Paris. In between he worked in London as a Foreign Office speechwriter, as Private Secretary to the Permanent Under-Secretary, and on European security after the end of the Cold War. He was Head of the Foreign Office Hong Kong Department for over three years leading up to the handover of the Territory in 1997. In 1999-2001, he worked as Principal Private Secretary to the then British Foreign Secretary, the late Robin Cook.
Sherard joined the Diplomatic Service immediately after studying Greek, Latin, philosophy and ancient history at Hertford College, Oxford, where he is an Honorary Fellow. He spent nearly two years learning Arabic before his first posting, to the British Embassy in Cairo.
As well as Hebrew, Sherard speaks French and he acquired basic Pashto for his posting to Kabul.
2011 Dr Anthony Seldon
Sir Robert Fulton KBE
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Anthony Seldon is an authority on contemporary British history and headmaster of Wellington College, one of Britain’s most famous independent schools. He is also author or editor of over 25 books on contemporary history, politics and education. His recent publications include “Trust: How we lost it and how to get it back” (Oct 2009) and “An End To Factory Schools. An education manifesto 2010-2020” (Mar 2010). His latest book, “Brown at 10” was published in November 2010.
After gaining an MA at Worcester College, Oxford, and a PhD at the London School of Economics, he qualified as a teacher at King’s College, London, He has two honorary doctorates and is Professor at the College of Teachers. He is a fellow of the Royal Historical Society and the Royal Society of Arts. He founded, with Professor Peter Hennessy, The Institute of Contemporary British History.
Dr Seldon appears regularly on television and radio and in the press, and writes for several national newspapers. His views on education have regularly been sought by the government and political parties.
2010 The Just War: Moral and Ethical Considerations in reaching a Decision to go to War
General The Lord Guthrie of Craigiebank GCB LVO OBE DL
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Charles Guthrie joined the Welsh Guards in 1959 and in the 60s served with them and the SAS in the United Kingdom, Germany, Libya, The Middle East, Malaysia and East Africa. He spent 1972 as a student at the Army Staff College and then held a number of appointments in Whitehall and with his Regiment in London, Northern Ireland and Cyprus.
From 1977 to 1980 he commanded the Welsh Guards in Berlin and Northern Ireland. In 1980 he served briefly in the South Pacific and as the Commander British Forces, New Hebrides, recaptured the island of Espirito Santo, which had been seized by insurgents. Apart from holding a number of senior staff appointments, he commanded an Armoured Brigade, an Infantry Division, 1st British Corps, the British Army of the Rhine, and the Northern Army Group before becoming Chief of the General Staff (Head of the Army) in 1994. From 1997 to 2001 he was Chief of the Defence Staff and the Principal Military Adviser to two Prime Ministers and three Secretaries of State for Defence.
He was for ten years Colonel Commandant of the Intelligence Corps and is currently Colonel of The Life Guards, Gold Stick to The Queen and Colonel Commandant of the SAS. He retired from the Army in February 2001.
He is an independent Member of the House of Lords; and is a Director of N M Rothschild & Sons Limited, Colt Defense Inc and Peter Hambro Mining Plc. He is a Member of the Executive Committee of The International Institute of Strategic Studies; a Visiting Professor and Honorary Fellow of King’s College London University; Chairman of the Trustees of The Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives; a Board Member of the Moscow School of Politics and Ben Gurion University; a Governor of the Oxford Centre for Hebrew & Jewish Studies; a Consultant to BioDefense and Thorium Power. He is President of The Army Benevolent Fund; Action Medical Research; The Federation of London Youth Clubs; and a Governor of The Charterhouse, Clerkenwell. He is Chairman of the Hospital of St John and St Elizabeth and a member of the Advisory Board at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine.
A keen sportsman; he played rugby for the Army, regularly rides and plays tennis. He attends the opera as often as he can.
He is married and has two grown-up sons.
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Earlier Lectures
2009 Sir Hilary Synott KCMG
Pakistan: How did it come to this?
2008 Bridget Kendall MBE
Russia and the West
2007 The Rt Hon the Lord Patten of Barnes
Europe and the Middle East: Is there a Policy?
2006 The Rt Hon the Lord Ashdown of Norton-sub-Hamdon KBE
Nation Building after Conflict: the Lessons of Bosnia
2005 Professor Paul Wilkinson
The Changing Face of Terrorism and the Problems of the International Response
2004 General Sir Michael Rose KCB CBE DSO QGM DL
The War on Terror in the Middle East
2003 The Rt Hon Menzies Campbell QC CBE MP
Foreign Policy with an Ethical Dimension?
2002 Sir Marrack Goulding KCMG
Israel and the Palestinians: Is Peace Possible?
2000 Dr James Orbinski
The Work of Medecins sans Frontieres in Support of World-wide Humanitarian Operations
1999 Sir Frank Berman KCMG
The Creation of an International Criminal Court
1998 HRH Crown Princess Sarvath El Hassan of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Women and Minorities in Islam
1997 Sir Crispin Tickell GCMG KCVO
Environmental Change and Global Governance
1996 The Rt Hon, the Lord Owen CH
Reform of the United Nations for its role in the 21st Century
1995 Sir Anthony Parsons GCMG MVO MC
Reflections on World Peace and Security in the Next Few Years
1994 Ambassador Jan Eliasson
Peacemaking into the 21st Century
1993 Lord Judd of Portsea
Peace needs Justice
1992 Sir Sridath [Sonny] Ramphal
No Rest after Rio
1991 Sir Brian Urquhart
Problems and Opportunities